Sunday, October 22, 2006

Documentary on Salvador Allende/Rice Media Center

I love the Rice Media Center; I loved it as a student, I love it as a Houston-area resident. They always bring such consistently high-quality cultural offerings to this city, as does MFAH.

Last night I saw a moving documentary on the life and tragic death of Salvador Allende, the former President of Chile, before the Military Coup'd'Etat (materially assisted at some level by the Central Intelligence Agency) which ended his presidency, his life, and Chilean democracy for a couple of generations and installed the brutal fascist dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. It was a very moving film, but also very sad. Here was a man, a medical doctor by training, a truly decent human being, a self-described militant socialist, yes, but almost Gandhi-like in his demeanor. In truth he was a classic Fabian (Utopian) Socialist, who believed Socialism can be voted in at the ballot box. As he is described in the narrative of Guzman's documentary of him, he strikes me as a man who was a pure idealist, who really did believe in the power of ideas, that the pen was mightier than the sword, that the upper classes would lay down their opposition because he could out debate them. He insisted always on the pacifist's path, to a fault.

Douglas MacArthur is reputed to have said "whoever said the pen is mightier than the sword never had to contend with automatic weapons"; and that is the lesson Allende learned tragically too late. He would also have done well to remember Mao Tse Tung's dictum about political power flowing out of the barrel of a gun. Allende seemed to like to give aggressive, determinedly militant speeches. The US State Department claims Allende was a deep admirer of Ho Chi Minh, Mao Tse-Tung, and of course every US nationalist's favorite bete noir in Latin America, Fidel Castro. He did invite Castro to Chile, which scandalized and mobilized the Right wing in Chile in reaction. And some of the recorded speeches Guzman assembled for his film seem very determined and defiant. But Guzman himself catches the kernel of the problem by noting that Castro himself once told Allende that he would need to break the army and sieze it as his own instrument (a lesson not lost on Hugo Chavez today, by the way, who rose up through the ranks of Venezuela's military). He failed to do so, in the same way the Social Democrats in 1918 left the Junker-dominated military in place after the Armistice (and sickeningly relied on right-wing paramilitaries like the Freikorps to do their dirty work against their rivals in the German Communist movements--but that's another story). The only reason Lenin's revolutionary movement succeeded is because the Tsar's army was itself broken and disillusioned by World War 1, and when Kerensky ordered them back to the trenches, back to the front, the Bolshevik promise of "Bread and Peace" became unstoppable. Enough of the Tsar's common soldiers went over to the Reds, bringing their valuable military equipment with them.

My point is, if you're going to talk the talk, like Allende clearly relished in doing--and man o man did he have the popular support of the masses, too...you've got to be willing and able to walk the walk as Mao, Ho, Fidel, Lenin, et. al. did. Allende surely remembered the fate of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954...or Mossadegh in Iran. But because his movement was not sufficiently armed and militant, it was doomed when the forces of reaction began their backlash and asserted their traditional class power.

Michael Parenti offers an excellent analysis of the problem of a path like Allende's by noting, with analogues also to the situation around John F. Kennedy...that actually there are 2 centers of power in most countries today...there is the formal, civil, elected government that is (or is supposed to be) relatively open, transparent, democratic, etc. But there is also the vast National Security State, with men and women in appointed, largely unaccountable positions...it is comprised of the nation's armed forces and its intelligence agencies and national police forces and the agencies, corporations, and private interests that nurture and support them and often provide the leadership for. As one prominent investigative journalist has demonstrated, the CIA is Wallstreet, and Wallstreet is the CIA. The same people, in the same small circles, all defending their mutual class interest(s) around the world. These are people who live off of trust funds and use their modest government salary as purely discretionary income. They are the sort of people, both in this country and in their proxies abroad drawn from the elites of third world nations, who support brutal men like Agusto Pinochet, and see to it that men like Salvador Allende meet with an early grave. Allende seized the reins of power of the formal civil government, but learned too late that the real power was in the internal Chilean National Security State, where Pinochet had his base.

Although careless right-wingers might (mis-)label me an "extremist liberal", in fact I'm a radical populist, a socialist with anarchist leanings. Allende could've taken a page from Patrick Henry who rightly insisted "that every man be armed". Although I don't deny the Leftist lable, I'm intelligent enough to know that the Right-Left dichotomy is often chimerical and illusory, and that the real struggle is actually Top versus Bottom, and this does NOT always neatly map the same territory as Right versus Left....lot of overlap? Sure there is--but it's not a perfect overlay, which means there are a few right-wing populists running around that I may actually have more respect for than some centrist and more mainstream "limousine liberals" who mostly focus on "cultural" issues and obfuscate or just plain ignore true class realities and honest class struggle. Michael Parenti has written in a very general way that any Third world leader who starts a socialist revolution will have to beef up his military almost immediately to prepare for the inevitable capitalist backlash and counter-revolution. Nice, inoffensive Fabian Social Democracy might not be possible right away because of these inherent dangers...Allende was right in that genuine democracy IS a road to socialism, but that's why genuine democracy is usually attacked and subverted by ruling classes the world over whenever possible. De Toqueville records the opinions of American oligarchs who privately express their genuine distaste for American democracy at bottom. Point is, they still feel that way...and some of them ever more openly than before. Did you know there was actually a plot to remove FDR from office by possible military coup? The problem is, the conspirators approached a man with far more integrity than they realized and who knew very well that he had been, in his distinguished military career, a "gangster for capitalism"---I speak of none other than General Smedly Butler, author of War is a Racket whose message is as poignant now as then. He would not work with the plotters.

Does Patricio Guzman's Salvador Allende have any lessons for our present moment? Of course it does. But they are not lessons many Norteamericanos either want to hear or learn from or even acknowledge in their own hearts, and so it goes. I'm not talking about US complicity in the Chilean coup, that much is obvious. I'm talking about the lesson of the reaction of the Chilean people to the destruction of their precious democracy by the brutal fascist regime of Agusto Pinochet. I'm not so sure it would be comfortable for many Norteamericanos to walk around in the shoes of Chileans from that generation. There are some important words to know in Spanish if you wish to count yourself as remotely politically aware about what goes on in the world, words like "los deceparicidos", "guerra sucia", "golpe militar". Guzman's film is a documentary, but I can also point to a fictional film, based on real life, that could be set in very nearly any Latin American country (which is why the country goes unnamed in the film); I refer, of course, to the film Hombres Con Armas , "Men with Guns". Also still painfully, ever relevant, Eduard Galeano's classic book Las Venas Abiertas de America Latina , the "Open Veins of Latin America". The United States, with ever increasing gulfs between the super-rich and the rest of us, is structurally becoming ever more like the stereotypical Latin American government(s) that snobbish (and ingnorant) Norteamericanos used to feel vastly superior to. Return of the Repressed? Baby, you ain't seen nothin' yet. Ben Franklin was once asked by an esteemed lady what sort of government he hoped for America. His reply was "a Republic, madam, if you can keep it." He did not mean a "Banana Republic", either.

2 comments:

cyrano said...

JJR, this is brilliant, and—as befits your temperament— passionate analysis rigorously grounded in fact and reason. Your personal insights deserve a larger audience, and in this regard I'd like to offer you to contribute to Cyrano's Journal Online (http://www.cjonline.org/ ). Your comments on Allende are very much on target. If you're serious about transforming the socioeconomic matrix, if you're serious about revolutionizing society, it is indispensable to somehow mobilize and arm the masses, because the oligarchies, the current bourgeois elites who form an unbroken chain of alliances around the world, with their citadel in Washington, D.C., and who rely on the US's mighty imperialist arm to shield them and rescue them from native insurgencies, will never leave the stage of history without a fight.

The point I was going to make about Allende, which you might appreciate, and which is not entirely clear in Patricio Guzman's powerful and, in some ways, unique documentary (he literally photographed a counter-revolution in motion)...is rather simple. In those years Allende ran as a candidate in every possible presidential contest as a "gadfly", a means of mobilizing and educating the masses...while also forcing the bourgeois candidates to amplify their own platforms (never mind that they never delivered on their promises...kind of reminds us of the way things usually work here in the good ole USA, doesn't it?). In 1970, when he was elected, he was elected due to an unexpected split within the bourgeoisie, whose centrist-liberal flank, comprising the Christian Democrats (PDC) chose to run Radomiro Tomic, whose platform, in strictly bourgeois terms, mirrored the Allende platform (Unidad Popular) in several significant areas. As aptly summed up in the Wiki:

"Allende won the 1970 Chilean presidential election as leader of the Unidad Popular ("Popular Unity") coalition. On September 4, 1970, he obtained a narrow plurality of 36.2 percent to 34.9 percent over Jorge Alessandri, a former president, with 27.8 percent going to a third candidate (Radomiro Tomic) of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC), whose electoral platform was quite close to Allende's. According to the Chilean Constitution of the time, if no presidential candidate obtained a majority of the popular vote, the Congress would choose the winner from among the two candidates with the highest number of votes. The tradition was for the Congress to vote for the candidate with the highest popular vote, regardless of margin. Indeed, former president Jorge Alessandri had been elected in 1958 with only 31.6 percent of the popular vote, defeating Allende."
Allende therefore found himself elected almost by a twist of fate, although he had few illusions about winning the presidency that year. It was the stubborness and pettiness of the two leading contenders of the bourgeois parties that prevented their alliance, which would have easily guaranteed their victory by a comfortable plurality—not actually a landslide.

Under the circumstances, Allende knew well that he had been elected prematurely..before the job of fuller mobilization and "consciouness raising" (concientizacion) had been attained to any significant degree, not to mention a reasonable arming of the militant sectors, sufficient at least to handle the inevitable backlash and foreign intervention(s) sure to follow if he chose to implement a genuine egalitarian program. Fact is, the vital work of concientizacion within the armed forces was still very much immature, and hindered on all sides by the constant vigilance of internal monitors carefully trained by Chilean and American specialists...Allende was then boxed in by these events, frozen in a dangerous political highwire act, with no choice but to play for time...hoping for a strengthening of the popular forces before an actual coup was launched. Thus, to continue to energize the masses, he went on expressing his radical convictions in fiery speeches that were as honest as they were instructive, while also testing and probing for every feasible opening in the bourgeois legal framework to advance his program (of course just about every single measure he advanced was then voted down by the now reconciled bourgeois parties).

"Throughout his presidency, Allende remained at odds with the Chilean Congress, which was dominated by the Christian Democratic Party. The Christian Democrats (who had campaigned on a socialist platform in the 1970 elections, but drifted away from those positions during Allende's presidency, eventually forming a coalition with the National Party), continued to accuse Allende of leading Chile toward a Cuban-style dictatorship, and sought to overturn many of his more radical policies. Allende and his opponents in Congress repeatedly accused each other of undermining the Chilean Constitution and acting undemocratically." (op. cit.)

Eventually, the Chilean establishment, in tacit and in almost open alliance with the US, saw that Allende could not be defeated merely by "indirect methods." (Despite all the congressional obstructionism, economic sabotage and disruption from the country's plutocracy and the US, they had failed to erode Allende's popular support. The Unidad Popular, his leftwing coalition, actually got 43% of the vote in early 1973, year of the coup—a net INCREASE of almost 10% over the vote in 1970.)

In sum, it's not easy to carry out a revolution when the conditions of popular self-defense are absent.

PATRICE GREANVILLE
Editor
Cyrano's Journal Online

CaptainAmerica said...

The documentary was rather good, but please be aware that it is nothing but a one-sided propaganda machine aimed at promoting a distorted view of Allende. Allende violated the Chilean Constitution many times, and the Supreme Courtin Chile even wrote him a letter explaining these violations. While the first year of his socialist programs seemed effective, Allende eventually caused massive poverty, unemployment, and by his third term his economy was dealing with hyperinflation (503%!). Indeed, while Allende may have had good intentions, he laid the foundation for his usurpation of power by not giving the people adequate facilities and needs that a president of a socialist country must deliver. If the people really did support him, a coup could never have taken place.